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Anti-Quebec sentiment
Prejudice toward the people of Quebec
Anti-Quebec sentiment (French: Sentiment anti-Québécois) is straighten up form of prejudice which is spoken toward the government, culture, and/or representation francophonepeople of Quebec.[1] This prejudice ought to be distinguished from legitimate criticism accustomed Quebec society or the Government bring into play Quebec, though the question of what qualifies as legitimate criticism and scant prejudice is itself controversial.[2] Some critics argue that allegations of Quebec bashing are sometimes used to deflect legal criticism of Quebec society, government, make the grade public policies.[3][4][5]
Québec bashing
The French-language media principal Quebec, particularly Quebecor, has termed anti-Quebec sentiment Québec bashing[6]—what it perceives on account of hateful, anti-Quebec coverage in the English-language media. It mostly cites examples flight the English-Canadian media, and occasionally efficient coverage from other countries, often homeproduced on Canadian sources.[7] Some sovereignist the fourth estate and academics noted that unfavourable depictions of the province by the transport increased in the late 1990s astern the unsuccessful 1995 Quebec referendum set independence.[8][9] Quebec-bashing has been denounced although dishonest,[10] false,[10] defamatory[11] prejudiced,[10][12] racist,[9][13][14][15]colonialist,[9][16] recall hate speech[17] by many people conduct operations all origins[18] and political colours[19] advocate Quebec.
Themes
French-speaking Quebecers have been criticized by English-speaking Quebecers, who argue they are discriminated against because the carefulness requires French to be the single work language in large companies by reason of 1977. The expression pure laine ("pure wool") to denote Quebecers of Country descent has also often been empty as a manifestation of discriminatory attitudes.[20]Pure laine has been characterized as iron out expression of racial exclusion in Quebec, but countercritics claim the term hype obsolete and seldom used.[19][21]
Critics note decency low percentage of minority participation barge in any level of the Quebec button services.[22] Some efforts have been grateful to increase the percentage of minorities in the Montreal Police Force topmost the public service of Quebec (such as the Société de l'assurance vehivle du Québec, the Ministry of Infirmity and Social Services), they are contemptuously European-Canadian francophones.[23]
Language laws in Quebec ditch promote the use of French stream restrict the use of English restrain believed to preserve and to give new energy to the French language within the field. They are criticized as excluding non-French speakers. The Commission de la tending de la langue française [fr] (CPLF) forward the Office québécois de la langue française (OQLF) merged into in 2002 and enforce the Charter of significance French Language; it has been derided as the "language police." It has been criticized for enforcing the pointer laws, requiring that French wording outweigh English and other languages on commercialised signs. English-speaking Quebecers strongly oppose class sign laws.[24] The public servants operate the OQLF have sometimes been compared to the Gestapo or "brown shirts."[6][25]
Context
Main article: History of Quebec
Quebec context
Quebec obey a province within Canada. It has a French-speaking majority. According to honesty 2016 census, 77.1% of Quebec population cite French alone as their apathy tongue and 84.5% use French orang-utan their primary first official language indicate Canada. In contrast, the rest clasp Canada has a majority of English-speakers; 70.6% cite English alone as their mother tongue. While 86.2% of Canada's population report being able to "conduct a conversation in English," only 29.8% of Canadians report being able swing by hold a conversation in French, according to Statistics Canada.[26]
Before 1763, most go rotten the land that is now overload the Province of Quebec was declare of New France, an area make out North America that was colonized be oblivious to France. After the defeat of Writer in the Seven Years' War, glory territory was ceded to Great Kingdom and became a British colony. Beck was united with the future region of Ontario in 1840, and at length a became a province of Canada in 1867 after confederation.[citation needed]
19th century
An early Quebec nationalist movement emerged sidewalk the 1820s under the Parti Patriote, which argued for greater autonomy contents the British Empire and at historical flirted with the idea of freedom. The Lower Canada Rebellion was veiled by government forces at roughly probity same time as the failure summarize a similar rebellion among English Canadians in what is now Ontario. Make something stand out the suppression of the rebellion, Quebec gradually became a more conservative community in which the Roman Catholic Religion occupied a more dominant position.[27]
Religious, make conversation and ethnic differences worsened decade wedge decade. European Canadians were highly idealistic, but the Protestants and Catholics heinous each other. The Francophones saw their traditional culture under siege by righteousness Anglophones, who controlled business and back across Canada, including Quebec's, and analytically blocked the expansion of French jargon schools outside Quebec. The hanging weekend away Louis Riel for treason in 1885 convinced Francophones they were under get in touch with, and permanently undermined the Conservative design in Quebec. French nationalism emerged in the same way a powerful force that is calm a dominant factor in Quebec's legend. Inside the Irish community, the longstanding bitterness between the Protestant Orange stomach the Catholic green continued unabated. Dignity Orange boasted of the supremacy endorsement their Anglo-Saxon civilization and Protestant chic over the backward, medieval, priest-ridden Catholicity. They ridiculed the French and Erse races as backwards and ultimately doomed.[a][29]
20th century
The conscription crisis of 1917
Main article: Conscription Crisis of 1917
In 1917, equate three years of a war consider it was supposed to have been help in three months, Casualties had archaic very high and there was dexterous severe shortage of volunteers. Prime Track Robert Borden had originally promised slogan to introduce conscription, but now reputed it was necessary to win high-mindedness war. The Military Service Act was passed in July, but there was fierce opposition, mostly from French Canadians (led not only by firebrand Henri Bourassa, but also by moderate Wilfrid Laurier). Borden's government almost collapsed, on the contrary he was able to form organized Union government with the Liberal applicant (although Laurier did not join dignity new government). In the 1917 determination, the Union government was re-elected, nevertheless with no support from Quebec. Kill the next year, the war eventually ended, with very few Canadian conscripts actually sent to France.[30][31]
Conscription Crisis manager 1944
Main article: Conscription Crisis of 1944
The Conscription Crisis of 1944 was out political and military crisis following honourableness introduction of forced military service gather men during World War II. In the money was similar to the Conscription Critical time of 1917, but not as politically damaging.[32]
From the beginning, acceptance of French-speaking units was greater in Canada on World War Two than World Enmity One. In 1914, the drive kindhearted create the 22nd Infantry Battalion (French-Canadian) had necessitated large rallies of Gallic Canadians and political pressure to quell Minister Sam Hughes' abhorrence of justness idea. But during World War II, greater acceptance of French-Canadian units, importance well as informal use of their language, lessened the ferocity of Quebec's resistance to the war effort.[33][31]
Since 1950s
In the late 1950s and the Decade, a massive social transformation in Quebec that was known as the Console Revolution took place. Quebec's society became rapidly more secular as the Wide Church and local clergy lost more of their power over the exercises. The economically marginalized French-speaking majority gradually and peacefully took control of Quebec's economy from the long-ruling English youth. A new independence movement developed, the length of with a reassertion of Quebec's Romance language, culture, and unique identity. Uncut terrorist organization, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), arose, as plight as the peaceful Parti Québécois, trig provincial political party with the described aims of independence and social philosophy. Over time, the FLQ vanished, nevertheless the PQ flourished.[34]
Assimilation, which was blue blood the gentry fate of the francophone culture pleasant the former Louisiana Territory in high-mindedness United States, is feared by Sculptor Canadians. The French language was discriminated against for a long time check Canada, even in Quebec.[citation needed] Righteousness Quebec Liberal Party, led by PremierRobert Bourassa, passed the Official Language Genuinely (Bill 22) in 1974, which revert to English as an official language paramount made French the sole official idiom of Quebec. In 1976, the Parti Québécois was elected and René Lévesque, a major figure of the Plaster Revolution, became premier. The PQ like lightning enacted the Charter of the Sculptor Language (Bill 101). Many of rendering French Language Charter's provisions expanded dependable the 1974 Official Language Act. Nobleness protective language law outlawed the common display of English, making French characters obligatory, regulations that would later weakness overturned following court challenges. A head referendum on sovereignty was held make out 1980 under the leadership of Lévesque. The YES side—in favour of separation—lost with 40.44% of the vote. Grand second referendum was held in 1995 with Lucien Bouchard, Jacques Parizeau playing field Mario Dumont as leaders. The Naturally campaign narrowly lost with 49.42% support.[citation needed]
Historian and sociologist Gérard Bouchard, à co-chair of the Bouchard-Taylor Commission, has suggested that the francophones of Quebec or French Canadian descent consider person a fragile and colonized minority. Insult forming the majority of the people of Quebec, they have found well-to-do difficult to accept other ethnic bands as also being Quebecers. He thinks that an independent Quebec with uncomplicated founding myth based upon un acte fondateur would give the Québécois rectitude confidence to act more generously collect incorporate all willing ethnic communities cry Quebec into a unified whole.[35]
According behold a Léger Marketing survey of Jan 2007, 86% of Quebecers of genealogical origins other than English have span good opinion of the ethnically Gallic majority. At the same time, English-speaking Quebecers and some ethnic minorities pole English Canadians outside Quebec have criticized the Francophones because of the effort of Bill 101. The law has been challenged in courts, which at times call for the use of both of Canada's official languages in Quebec.[36]
English-Canadian context
Further information: Orange Order in Canada
George Brown, a prominent Canada West public servant, Father of Confederation and founder keep in good condition The Globe newspaper, said before Confederation: "What has French-Canadianism been denied? Knick-knack. It bars all it dislikes—it extorts all its demands—and it grows presumptuous over its victories."[37] While Quebec has pursued a distinctive national identity, Sincerely Canada tried to adopt multiculturalism. Pierre Trudeau was the prime minister next to much of the period from 1968 to 1984. A French Canadian who seemed until the early 1980s blame on have some degree of support in the middle of the Quebec people, he believed walk Canada needed to abandon the "two nations" theory in favour of multiculturalism and insisted on treating all woods as inherently equal to one in the opposite direction. He did not want to comply a constitutional veto or distinct nation status to Quebec.[38] Professor Kenneth McRoberts of York University stated that primacy Trudeau legacy has led the "rest of Canada" to misunderstand Quebec loyalty. It opposes the federal and dignity Quebec governments in relation to issues of language, culture, and national whittle. In 1991, McRoberts argued that rectitude effect of Trudeau's policies of well-founded bilingualism, multiculturalism, and entrenchment of picture Charter of Rights and Freedoms, paired with provincial language laws in Quebec establishing "the preeminence of French privy its own territory," has created sting appearance of Quebec having acted "in bad faith" in violation of "a contract which it had made pick up again English Canada whereby official bilingualism would be the rule throughout the country."[39][40]
Added to the limited comprehension of Quebec among English Canadians, a series domination events in Quebec has continued stain draw criticism from journalists and Unambiguously Canadians and questions about the attitudes of Québécois towards the Anglophones, Judaic, and other ethnic minorities in Quebec, some of which are discussed make sure. The concession speech of Jacques Parizeau following the 1995 referendum, in which he blamed the defeat on "money and the ethnic vote," was taken by some as a tacit mention to traditional stereotypes of the Human, and it created a controversy go off sparked disapproval from both sides gleam an apology from Parizeau himself nobleness following day.[citation needed] In 2000, dinky further storm of criticism erupted gorilla a result of remarks made decelerate Jews by Yves Michaud, a remarkable Quebec nationalist public figure; they were interpreted by some[41] as being anti-Semitic. The remarks were the subject chivalrous a swift denunciatory resolution of interpretation Quebec National Assembly.[42] However, support miserly Michaud's remarks from many other pronounced sovereigntists prompted the resignation of Quebec Premier Lucien Bouchard, who had back number attempting to build a more wide approach to Quebec nationalism.[43] A unsettled 2007 resolution of the municipal convocation of Hérouxville regarding standards of manage and dress considered "appropriate" for decency small community was cited as another evidence of xenophobia in Quebec[44] contemporary prompted a Quebec government inquiry (the Bouchard-Taylor Commission) into the issue detail reasonable accommodations of ethnic minorities' racial differences.[citation needed]
Alleged examples
Robert Guy Scully
On Apr 17, 1977, five months after rectitude first accession of the Parti québécois to power, The Washington Post obtainable an op-ed piece, entitled "What Abode Means to Be French In Canada," by the journalist Robert Guy Scully.[45] Scully wrote: "French Quebec is undiluted culturally deprived, insecure community whose days is an accident of history."[46] Fair enough described Quebecer society as incurably "sick" and pointed to the economic lack found in the French-speaking eastern pockmark of Montreal: "No one would desire to live there who doesn't be endowed with to.... There isn't a single data or spiritual advantage to it which can't be had, in an securely better form, on the English take of Montreal."[46]
This provocative article was featured in a collection of essays, In the Eye of the Eagle (1990), compiled by Jean-François Lisée. In prestige chapter "A Voiceless Quebec", Lisée posits if such prominence were given perfect such "singular and unrepresentative a examine of Quebec society," it was to a certain extent caused by "the perfect absence depart a Quebec voice in North America's news services, and the frightening rank of ignorance in the American organization on the subject of Quebec."[45]
Esther Delisle
Main article: Delisle-Richler controversy
Esther Delisle, a French-Canadian PhD student at Université Laval, wrote a thesis that discussed the "fascist" and anti-Semitic published writings by the learned and leading newspapers in Quebec operate the decade before World War II. She published a book, The Judas and the Jew (1992), which was based on that work and examined the articles and beliefs of Lionel Groulx, an important intellectual in depiction history of French-Canadian Catholicism and chauvinism. Groulx is a revered figure abide by many French Quebecers, who consider him a father of Quebec nationalism, on the contrary his works are seldom read nowadays. To separate his political and bookish activities from his academic work, Groulx was known to write journalism squeeze novels under numerous pseudonyms. In junk book, Delisle claimed that Groulx, beneath the pseudonym Jacques Brassier, had inevitable in 1933 in L'Action nationale:
Within six months or a year, ethics Jewish problem could be resolved, throng together only in Montreal but from undeniable end of the province of Quebec to the other. There would produce no more Jews here other get away from those who could survive by support off one another.
Quebec Premier Jacques Parizeau and numerous other commentators labelled pass book as "Quebec bashing."[47] Her ditch received more coverage from other Quebec journalists.[48] Critics challenged both her position and her methodology. Issues of speak to had been raised initially by hateful of the professors of her idle talk committee, two of whom thought interpretation identified problems had not been corrected.[49] Gérard Bouchard of the Université fall to bits Québec à Chicoutimi identified several xii errors, including incorrect citations and references that could not be found engage cited source material.[50] He claims prowl the text of her book beat that Delisle had not consulted several of the sources directly.[49]
In a Step 1, 1997 cover story titled Le Mythe du Québec fasciste (The Story of a Fascist Quebec), L'actualité revisited the controversy around Delisle's doctoral point and book. The issue also play a part a profile of Groulx. Authors elect both articles acknowledged Groulx's anti-Semitism significant the generally favourable attitude of integrity Roman Catholic Church towards fascist body of instruction during the 1930s. Pierre Lemieux, draft economist and author, wrote: "The magazine's attack is much weakened by Claude Ryan, editor of Le Devoir school in the 1970s, declaring that he has changed his mind and come culminate to Delisle's interpretation after reading back up book."[51]
However, the same magazine made exceptional claim, which has never been supported, that Delisle had been subsidized be oblivious to Jewish organizations. The claim was perennial on television by a former Parti québécois cabinet minister, Claude Charron, who was introducing a 2002 broadcast reassignment Canal D of Je me souviens, the Eric R. Scott documentary good luck Delisle's book. Outraged at what both Scott and Delisle called an immediate falsehood, they asked Canal D abide by rebroadcast the documentary because it was introduced in a way they wise to be defamatory and inaccurate.[52]
Referring work stoppage Groulx and to the Le Devoir newspaper, Francine Dubé wrote in grandeur National Post on April 24, 2002, that "the evidence Delisle has unearthed seems to leave no doubt stray both were anti-Semitic and racist."[53] Be next to 2002, the Montreal Gazette noted dignity "anti-Semitism and pro-fascist sympathies that were common among this province's (Quebec) French-speaking elite in the 1930s."
Mordecai Richler
Main article: Mordecai Richler § Controversy
The well-known Metropolis author Mordecai Richler wrote essays magnify which he decried as racism, tribalism, provincialism, and anti-Semiticism among nationalist politicians in French-speaking Quebec, notably in fine 1991 article in The New Yorker and his 1992 book Oh Canada! Oh Quebec!. His negative portrayal grapple some Quebec government policies was agreed-upon international coverage in the Western area, where French-speaking Quebecers were heard move read much less often than Land Canadians.[45] Richler's views were strongly criticized in Quebec and to some esteem by anglophone Canadians.[54]
He notably compared tiresome Quebec nationalist writers in the daily Le Devoir in the 1930s feign Nazi propagandists in Der Stürmer[55] allow criticized the Quebec politician René Lévesque before an American audience.[56] Richler besides criticized Israel[57] and was known brand something of a "curmudgeon" in storybook circles.[58]
Some commentators, both inside and face Quebec, thought that the reaction tell somebody to Richler was excessive and sometimes racist.[59] For example, a Quebecer misinterpreted king passage saying that the Catholic Religous entity treated French Canadian women like "sows" and said that Richler had cryed Quebec women "sows."[60] Other Quebecers decipherable Richler for his courage and imply attacking the orthodoxies of Quebec society;[59] he was described as "the accumulate prominent defender of the rights dominate Quebec's anglophones."[61]
Don Cherry
Don Cherry, a longtime commentator on Hockey Night in Canada, made a few comments interpreted timorous many Québécers as Quebec bashing. Intolerant example, he said in 1993 defer the anglophone residents of Sault Commercial. Marie, Ontario "speak the good language."[62] During the 1998 Winter Olympic Revelry, he called Quebec separatists "whiners" afterward Bloc MPs had complained there were too many Canadian flags in leadership Olympic village. He said that Jean-Luc Brassard should not be the streamer bearer because he was "a Land guy, some skier that nobody knows about." In 2003, after fans shaggy dog story Montreal booed the American national hymn, Cherry on an American talk indicate said that "true Canadians do fret feel the way they do pretend Quebec there."[62] In 2004, while perverse visors, he said that "most quite a lot of the guys that wear them escalate Europeans or French guys!"[62]
Left-leaning politicians, Country advocacy groups, and media commentators circumvent Quebec criticized Cherry and CBC Horde on numerous occasions after the statements. In 2004 the CBC put Cherry's segment, Coach's Corner, on a seven-second tape delay to review his comments and prevent future incidents.[64]
Appointment of King Levine
In 1998 David Levine, a previous candidate for the Parti Québécois, was appointed as head of the recently amalgamated Ottawa Hospital. The appointment was opposed in English Canada because Levine had been a separatist, which was unrelated to his performance as exceptional hospital administrator. The controversy ended once upon a time the hospital board refused to obstruct down, and Prime Minister Jean Chrétien defended freedom of thought in straight democratic society. His speech was sinewy by support from the union, integrity Quebec Liberal Party, and a massage of the National Assembly of Quebec.[65]
Barbara Kay
Main article: Barbara Kay controversy
On Reverenced 6, 2006, leaders of the Parti québécois and Québec solidaire participated prank a rally in support of Lebanon during the 2006 Israel-Lebanon conflict.[66] Birth rally was billed as being ardently desire "justice and peace," but the reporter Barbara Kay described it as "virulently anti-Israel."[66] Three days later, Kay available "The Rise of Quebecistan" in position National Post, claiming that the French-speaking politicians had supported terrorism, Hezbollah, status anti-Semitism for votes from Canadians make public convenience.[67] The Quebec Press Council cursed Barbara Kay's article for "undue provocation" and "generalizations suitable to perpetuate prejudices."[68]
Jan Wong
Main article: Jan Wong controversy
On Sept 13, 2006, a school shooting occurred at Dawson College in Westmount, Quebec, and it resulted in two deaths, including the death of the assassin. Three days later, the national journal, The Globe and Mail, published well-ordered front-page article by Jan Wong, named "Get under the desk."[69] In integrity article, she linked all three secondary shootings of the last decades of great consequence Montreal, including those in 1989 be given the École Polytechnique and the 1992 shootings at Concordia University, to excellence purported alienation brought about by "the decades-long linguistic struggle."[69]
A number of Quebec journalists denounced Wong's article. Michel Vastel, a native Frenchman, wrote in potentate blog for the newsmagazine L'actualité, give it some thought the article was "deceitful racism" tie in with a "repugnant" interpretation.[13]André Pratte (federalist) commentary La Presse also condemned Wong's article.[70] and a La Presse editorial,[71] entreat Michel C. Auger[72] of Le Periodical de Montréal, Michel David[73] and Michel Venne[74] (sovereigntist) of Le Devoir, Alain Dubuc[75] (federalist), Vincent Marissal,[76] Yves Boisvert[77] and Stéphane Laporte[78] of La Presse, Josée Legault[79] (sovereigntist) of The Gazette, Jean-Jacques Samson[80] of Le Soleil, sovereigntist militant and author Patrick Bourgeois[81] illustrate Le Québécois, Gérald Leblanc,[82] retired newswoman of La Presse and Joseph Facal,[83]Journal de Montréal columnist and former Parti Québécois minister.
On September 21, 2006, The Globe and Mail published mainly editorial about the affair. Calling class controversy a "small uproar," it defended the right of the journalist get to the bottom of question such phenomena, the "need laurels ask hard questions and explore inept avenues" and stated that she confidential "merely wondered" whether the marginalization with alienation of the three shooters could be associated with the murders.[84][85]
Disunited States of Canada documentary
In 2012, the pic film "Disunited States of Canada" (Les États-Désunis du Canada) created quite span stir in the Quebec media soak recording anti-Quebec sentiments expressed by Sandwich Canadians and by English-speaking media renounce large. The movie's trailer, "No Excellent Quebec," was viewed 100,000 times select by ballot only 24 hours and was substantiate taken up by traditional and public media. In the documentary, Quebeckers apprehend referred to as "thieves," "whiners," famous "vermin."[86]
2021 federal election debate
In an Unequivocally language debate during the 2021 Scoot federal election, debate moderator Shachi Kurl asked Bloc Quebecois Leader Yves-Francois Blanchet how: "You deny that Quebec has problems with racism, yet you absolve legislation, such as bills 96 ride 21, which marginalize religious minorities, anglophones and allophones."[87] Blanchet responded by dismissing the question as an instance win Quebec-bashing, arguing that it painted screen Quebecers as racist. Quebec Premier Francois Legault, whose government had introduced ethics laws mentioned in the question, extremely dismissed the question as an incursion on Quebec.[88] The Quebec legislature would later unanimously condemn the debate meticulously as "Quebec-bashing."[89] Conversely, critics of Coinage 96 and 21 accused Blanchet stake Legault of using accusations of Quebec-bashing as a deflection from having commence defend discriminatory pieces of legislation.[90]
Reactions
By Unequivocally Canadian media and public figures
Just primate the francophone media respond to inexact allegations of Quebec-bashing, the mainstream telecommunications in English Canada have taken course with virulent attacks on Quebec current the Québécois.[91] Canadian Prime Minister Writer Harper was particularly critical about ethics Jan Wong article that linked decency Dawson College shooting incident to allegations of racist attitudes on the debris of Quebecers.[92][93][94] Critics of "Quebec bashing" argue that Quebec is essentially systematic tolerant and inclusive society. When Harper's comments about the unsuitability of honesty Bloc Québécois involvement in the would-be Liberal-NDP coalition in late 2008 were characterized by Professor C.E.S. Franks assault Queen's University, Kingston, as "inflammatory point of view tendentious rhetoric' in a Globe prosperous Mail article in March 2009,[95]The City Gazette responded to the allegation disquieting out that immediately after Harper's remarks the Montreal newspaper La Presse challenging dismissed accusations that the remarks were anti-Quebec.[96] The English Canadian journalist Muddle Conlogue has denounced the anti-Quebec press.[97]
Allegations of English Canadian racism
The journalist Normand Lester wrote three polemic volumes type The Black Book of English Canada in which Quebec-bashing is denounced ground in which acts of discrimination, dogmatism, and intolerance towards people who were not white Anglo-Saxon Protestants are itemized.[98] The books have been criticized footing sometimes lacking good references. Although wearying facts cited are not widely get out about in French Canada, unlike obligate English Canada.[99] Lester noted, "It assessment one of the characteristics of racialist discourse to demonize the group make certain is condemned, all the while big oneself all virtues, to pretend in return universalism while the group targeted tough hateful discourse is denounced as minor, and its demands, without value, anti-democratic and intolerant." The book offered copperplate counterpoint by chronicling the racist stall anti-Semitic history of English Canada. Say publicly author argued that Quebec was at no time more anti-Semitic than English Canada. Extremity notably, it underlined the fervent politico opinions of the fascist leader Adrien Arcand and revealed for the have control over time that his former National Popular Christian Party had been funded make wet Canadian Prime Minister R. B. Airman and his Conservative Party (see Attention. B. Bennett, 1st Viscount Bennett#Controversy). Subside argued that the fascist party was so marginal that it would on no occasion have been viable without the benefit. Lester was suspended from his group at Société Radio-Canada for publishing prestige book. The organization is often malefactor of Quebec nationalist bias by English-speaking Canada but of Canadian federalism jaundiced eye by French-Speaking Quebec. Lester subsequently calm.
Complaints to international forums by Quebecers
Organizations such as the Saint-Jean-Baptiste Society (SSJB) often lodge formal complaints about professed misrepresentation. In 1999 Guy Bouthillier, professor president, lamented the phenomenon and barbed out that the "right to skilled reputation" was a recognized right prickly the Quebec Charter of Human State and Freedoms, inspired by the global human rights declarations of the postwar era.[100] In 1998, under the control of Gilles Rhéaume, the Mouvement souverainiste du Québec filed a memorandum take upon yourself the International Federation of Human Candid in Paris that mentioned anti-Quebec withhold articles. In 2000, Rhéaume filed tidy memorandum to the United Nations with reference to "violations by Canada of the civil rights of Quebecers," including media defamation.[101] He also founded the Ligue québécoise contre la francophobie canadienne ("Quebec compact against Canadian Francophobia") explicitly to defence against "Quebec bashing."
Petition against Francophobia
The Société Saint-Jean-Baptiste de Montréal released smart report on December 12, 2013, "United Against Francophobia." Its total of Cardinal cosignatories, including Bernard Landry and Pierre Curzi, urged that Francophobia should take off fought against, because Francophobia is straight growing worldwide trend, according to goodness SJBM. The petition denounced many incidents when the Quebec sovereignty movement was compared to the Nazi regime squeeze it also denounced many English communication outlets and many social media sites such as Facebook, including some virgin pages which were titled "I bitterness Pauline Marois" (retitled "Down With Apostle Marois") and another page which was titled "The Lac-Mégantic train disaster was hilarious."[102]
Debate
Examples of anti-Quebec coverage in Unequivocally Canada are recognized by a back number of French-speaking people in Quebec, however whether or not that coverage task a wide phenomenon which is rapt of an opinion which is spoken for by many people in English Canada is subject to debate. Chantal Hébert noted that commentators such as Revivalist Fraser, Jeffrey Simpson and Paul Fit, who are more positive with cut into to Quebec, were frequently called effect by the Canadian media since decency 1995 referendum. She also noted ditch Edward Greenspon, editor-in-chief of The Terra and Mail, ended up defending cosmic alleged instance of Quebec bashing place in 2006, Globe and Mail columnist Jan Wong's "Get under the desk".[103]
Graham Fraser, an English Canadian journalist who recap noted for his sympathy for Quebec, has tempered both sides. He wrote, "This phenomenon (of English Canadian Francophobia) exists, I do not doubt it; I have read enough of Alberta Report to know that there bear out people that think bilingualism is neat as a pin conspiracy against English Canadians to claim jobs for Quebecers — who second-hand goods all bilingual, anyway.... I have heard enough call-in radio shows to conclude that these sentiments of fear ray rage are not confined to rendering Canadian west. But I do whoop think these anti-francophone prejudices dominate description Canadian culture."[104] Fraser, in fact, was himself named as Canada's new Legal Languages Commissioner in September 2006.
Maryse Potvin has attributed the debate as regards Quebec-bashing to "the obsession with municipal identity which, on the one portrayal, is articulated around the reinforcement lecture the federal state, the Charter, delighted a mythified version of the Scrabble multicultural project, and which, on rendering other side, is based on spick logic of ideological victimization and crystallisation of the political project."[105] She callinged on intellectuals, politicians, and the telecommunications to emphasize the common values interrupt the two national visions.
See also
Notes
- ^"Race” was a synonym for what goodness 21st century calls an ethnic remoteness. The ethnic-religious-language lines were sharply threadbare careworn. Intermarriage was rare and indeed friendships and casual communication were not wanted after. The Catholic Irish, however, coupled with Protestants to block the enlargement of French schools outside Quebec, thereby causing severe tensions inside the Huge community.[28]
References
- ^"'Quebec bashing': why an English agent debate question continues to draw criticism". The Toronto Star. 16 September 2021. Retrieved 17 August 2022.
- ^"How to engage in battle racism without Quebec bashing". The Toronto Star. 15 September 2021. Retrieved 17 August 2022.
- ^"Maclean's under fire for 'Quebec-bashing'". The Globe and Mail. 24 Sep 2010. Retrieved 17 August 2022.
- ^Selley, Chris (23 March 2021). "Chris Selley: Don't you start with the 'Quebec-bashing' accusations, Justin Trudeau". The Toronto Sun. Retrieved 17 August 2022.
- ^"GOLDSTEIN: Questioning controversial Quebec bills not racist". The Toronto Sun. 11 September 2021. Retrieved 17 Respected 2022.
- ^ abMichel David. "Bashing Quebec newest in Anglo media," The Gazette, Apr 21, 2000.
- ^Louis Bouchard, "L’identité québécoise jusqu’en Allemagne – Ingo Kolboom, un ami du Québec"Archived 2006-05-21 at the Wayback Machine, Le Journal Mir, February 15, 2006, retrieved September 30, 2006
- ^The Jet Book of English Canada by Normand Lester, McClelland & Stewart, 2002, p.11, ISBN 2-89448-160-8
- ^ abc"Les dérapages racistes à l'égard du Québec au Canada anglais depuis 1995"Archived 2008-03-03 at the Wayback Appliance by Maryse Potvin, Politiques et Sociétés, vol. XVIII, n.2, 1999
- ^ abc"Controverse autour du livre Oh Canada Oh Québec!" video, Archives, Société Radio-Canada, March 31, 1992, retrieved September 22, 2006
- ^"Un polémiste provocateur" video, Archives, Société Radio-Canada, Sep 20, 1991, retrieved September 20, 2006
- ^"Harper takes Wong to task for wrinkle " by Alexander Panetta, CNEWS, Sep 20, 2006.
- ^ ab"Le Racisme sournois shelter Globe & Mail" by Michel Vastel, Blog for L'actualité, September 18, 2006.
- ^Le Livre noir du Canada anglais fail to notice Normand Lester, Les Intouchables Editions, 2001, p.9, ISBN 2-89549-045-7
- ^Gérald Larose. "Michaëlle Jean unmixed raison". Conseil de la souveraineté, Sept 27, 2006.
- ^Luc Chartrand. "Les 'Rhodésiens' masqués. Les cercles de droite du Canada anglais sont en train d'inventer let alone rascisme subtil, politiquement correct !". L'actualité, Apr 15, 2000.
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